The internet known within China is a very different internet to the one known by the world at large. It is censored, regulated and structured quite differently. It is controlled and managed, rather than organic and sprawling. From the outside looking in, it feels like an entirely different beast, and to begin to understand it, you must first understand the conditions that formed it.
History
Mao Zedong was the founder of the People’s Republic of China and led the country from its establishment in 1949 until his death in 1976. He developed Maoism, a variation of Marxism–Leninism. Following the beginning of the Chinese Civil War, he aided in the establishment of the Chinese Red Army and then proceeded to head the Land Reform Movement (土tǔ改gǎi), industrialisation via five-year plans, and launch the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries (镇zhèn压yā反fǎn革gé命mìng运yùn动dòng). He led intervention in the Korean War and oversaw the Great Leap Forward (大Dà跃yuè进jìn) campaign from 1958 to 1962.
In 1966 he launched the Cultural Revolution, aiming to purge capitalist and traditional elements from Chinese society. During this period, there was mass destruction of artefacts, a violent class struggle, and, notably relevant within the context of this article, his cult of personality.
Mao Zedong’s cult of personality was a propaganda campaign designed to elevate Mao’s status as a beacon of communist China. His image was widely distributed in portraits and badges, and every Chinese citizen was given ‘Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung’ (毛Máo主Zhǔ席xí语yǔ录lù), otherwise known as the Little Red Book, which they were expected to carry at all times and read from frequently.
Following Mao’s death, the Boluan Fanzheng program was launched, which translates in English to ‘Eliminating chaos and returning to normal’. As part of this program and subsequent efforts by Deng Xiaoping, Hu Yaobang, and others, China began to repeal some of the Cultural Revolution’s changes.
However, some felt that this occurred too abruptly and moved too swiftly, giving people too much freedom too suddenly and causing them to act in pursuit of further liberties. This caused disputes which directly led to the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests. China, which had before the protests seen greater (but far from full) press freedom, fell suddenly back under intense censorship. After a few years, restrictions were relaxed somewhat – particularly after Deng Xiaoping’s 1992 southern tour. However, media remained very much restricted.
China’s first interactions with the internet were as early as 1987, but it wasn’t until 1989 that it started to properly gain a footing, starting with inter-university contact, as most countries’ internet communications did. In 1994, China began to embrace the internet, becoming properly linked to the internet in April. The next year, citing economic opportunity, the basis of infrastructure and a national network were established.
China, being an extremely large country, took a while to gain proper country-wide infrastructure, with it taking until the early 2010s for proper connections to reach rural areas. For a brief while in the 2000s, there was a surprisingly wild and free web, with minimal oversight. Unfortunately, as the internet became established, and the web began to form, censorship shaped it. China began to block many international sites, preventing penetration into the Chinese market. Under Xi Jinping, censorship has been far stricter.
Unlike much of the rest of the world, where the global interconnectivity of the internet is emphasised, China emphasises ‘Internet Sovereignty’ (网wǎng络luò主zhǔ权quán) – the idea that the government should have complete control of the internet as it operates and is available within the country.
The Great Firewall
This sovereignty is achieved via what is widely referred to as the Great Firewall (防Fáng火huǒ长cháng城chéng), a reference to the Great Wall of China. It is the combined product of the various legislation and unofficial degrees paired with technological enforcement.
It is a complex and oppressive measure. It does not merely block offending URLs but goes to great lengths by resetting connections, performing DNS poisoning to direct to incorrect IP addresses, scanning the actual data in transit via deep packet inspection, enacting full IP blocks, performing man-in-the-middle certificate takeover attacks, and more. It is one of the most complex filtering systems deployed at scale. Some sites are let through the filter but in extremely degraded states in an effort to avoid the backlash of full blocks while still functionally preventing access.
All of China’s major telecommunications companies – China Telecom, China Unicom, and China Mobile – are state-owned, meaning that their services are inherently under government jurisdiction, making circumvention extremely difficult. They’re choke points of internet traffic.
Many of these restrictions can be bypassed by means of VPNs which are legal, albeit with restrictions. VPN providers must obtain state approval and face imprisonment if they fail to do so. As such, much information can be accessed, but it is made difficult and consuming of money and time. Unfortunately Tor functions in a degraded state, requiring workarounds, and many more standard proxies are thwarted by the firewall. The friction is only growing as time progresses.
The Great Firewall is a large part of this, and its prevention of access to international services has determined China’s development during the Fourth Industrial Revolution by giving preference to domestic organisations. Not only is this positive for China’s local economy, but it is also beneficial for the government as it has greater control over domestic companies than international ones. The Great Firewall acts as both a protective trade barrier and an instrument of ideological control.
Restricted Topics
There are many factors of China that are heavily suppressed. Information about the Tiananmen Square protests and massacre is one of the more famous examples of censorship, but there is far more. In their 2025 world press index, Reporters Without Borders placed the People’s Republic at 178 out of 180, higher only than North Korea and Eritrea. Some major topics subject to censorship include:
Taiwan
Specifically, discussion of the country Taiwan as the independent country which it is, rather than as a part of China.
Human Rights Abuse
There are ongoing mass human rights abuses against Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslim minorities who are held in concentration camps. Starting in 2014 under the guise of the Strike Hard Campaign Against Violent Terrorism and escalating in 2017 with the mass unlawful incarceration of some one million Uyghurs, it is widely regarded as the largest mass internment of ethnic and religious minority groups since the Second World War.
There are also great and horrific human rights abuses in Tibet which are censored so heavily that the availability of reliable information is even impacted globally. Discussions of the human rights abuses or Tibetan independence are very heavily censored.
Government Dissent
Much criticism of the government is silenced, particularly anything which is related to or could lead to activism. It is clearly outlined in Communiqué on the Current State of the Ideological Sphere (关Guān于yú当dāng前qián意yì识shí形xíng态tài领lǐng域yù情qíng况kuàng的de通tōng报bào), a document leaked by journalist Gao Yu. The ‘Seven Noteworthy Problems’ outlined in the document are:
- Promoting Western Constitutional Democracy: An attempt to undermine the current leadership and the socialism with Chinese characteristics system of governance.
- Promoting ‘universal values’ in an attempt to weaken the theoretical foundations of the Party’s leadership.
- Promoting civil society in an attempt to dismantle the ruling party’s social foundation.
- Promoting Neoliberalism, attempting to change China’s Basic Economic System.
- Promoting the West’s idea of journalism, challenging China’s principle that the media and publishing system should be subject to Party discipline.
- Promoting historical nihilism, trying to undermine the history of the CCP and of New China.
- Questioning Reform and Opening and the socialist nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
COVID-19
Less so now given that the peak of the pandemic is past, but China heavily restricted discussion of the coronavirus. It also restricted discussion about other outbreaks, such as SARS during the 2002–2004 SARS outbreak, which was also first identified in China.
This censorship has gradually gained a tighter grip around Hong Kong, which previously enjoyed a largely unrestricted internet, with the passing of the 2020 Hong Kong National Security Law (香Xiāng港gǎng国guó家jiā安ān全quán法fǎ) presenting a significant alteration to the digital landscape.
Different Services
Given that the internet within China is aggressively moderated and filtered, internet services external to the country which cannot be controlled and don’t align with regulatory requirements are often disrupted or blocked wholesale. Some major services that are blocked include Google, YouTube, Facebook, Wikipedia, Reddit, Instagram, WhatsApp, Twitch, Twitter, Pinterest, Signal, Discord, the Internet Archive, TikTok, and ChatGPT. This is by absolutely no means a comprehensive list, and there are so many more sites and services blocked. News sites especially are aggressively blocked due to China’s minimal press freedom.
With a population in excess of a billion people (roughly 20% of all web users), China has a size such that it can support a more or less self-contained web, with its own systems and alternatives to global platforms. The Great Firewall’s disruption of global competitors has created a massive domestic tech ecosystem within the vacuum.
Many services have received direct Chinese versions, such as LinkedIn, which had a Chinese version titled 领lǐng英yīng from 2014 until 2021 and then a stripped-down jobs-only version called InCareer until 2023. In other cases, there are equivalents or services with similar functionality that take their place. Commonly, the functions of many apps are combined into a singular.
| Global Platform | Chinese Equivalent |
|---|---|
| WhatsApp, Messenger, Facebook | Weixin (微Wēi信xìn) |
| Twitter, Bluesky, Tumblr | Sina Weibo (新Xīn浪làng微wēi博bó) |
| Instagram, Pinterest, TikTok | Xiaohongshu (小Xiǎo红hóng书shū), Douyin (抖Dǒu音yīn) |
| Baidu Tieba (百Bǎi度dù贴tiē吧ba), Douban (豆Dòu瓣bàn) | |
| Quora | Zhihu (知Zhī乎hū) |
| Tinder, Bumble | Tantan (探Tàn探tan), Momo (陌Mò陌mo) |
| YouTube | Bilibili (哔Bì哩lī哔bì哩lī / BB站zhàn) |
| Netflix, Disney+, Hulu | iQIYI (爱Ài奇qí艺yì), Tencent Video (腾Téng讯xùn视shì频pín) |
| Twitch | Huya (虎Hǔ牙yá), Douyu (斗Dòu鱼yú) |
| Spotify, Apple Music | QQ Yinyue (QQQQ音yīn乐yuè), NetEase Cloud Music (网Wǎng易yì云yún音yīn乐yuè) |
| Google Search | Baidu Search (百Bǎi度dù搜sōu索suǒ) |
| Amazon, eBay | Taobao (淘Táo宝bǎo), JD.com (京Jīng东dōng) |
| Temu, Shein | Pinduoduo (拼Pīn多duō多duō) |
| Uber, Lyft | DiDi (滴Dī滴dī) |
| Google Maps | Gaode Maps / Amap (高Gāo德dé地dì图tú), Baidu Maps (百Bǎi度dù地dì图tú) |
| Yelp, TripAdvisor | Dianping (点Diǎn评píng) |
| Maimai (脉Mài脉mài), BOSS Zhipin (BOSS直zhí聘pìn) | |
| ChatGPT, Gemini, Claude | DeepSeek (深Shēn度dù求qiú索suǒ), ERNIE Bot (文Wén心xīn一yī言yán) |
The ‘web’ as it exists elsewhere, with lots of interconnected separate sites, is not the same web that exists in China. Like a more aggressive version of the consolidation of the global web into a few social media sites that many have been critical of. There are many sites, but they’re all scrutinised.
Another defining feature of this domestic ecosystem is the absolute dominance of live commerce. Unlike the West, where e-commerce and social media are generally distinct, platforms like Douyin, Kuaishou, and Taobao Live merge short-form entertainment with instant purchasing. This has birthed a substantial industry of livestream anchors and a highly accelerated consumer web experience.
One of the most famous Chinese apps is Weixin (微Wēi信xìn), which operates globally as WeChat. Developed by juggernaut Tencent, Weixin/WeChat is arguably an operating system in and of itself. It is used by almost everyone in China, as well as in other countries like Malaysia, to the point that it is difficult to get by without it. It encompasses messaging, voice/video calls, payments, location sharing, social media functionality, mini-programs, delivery, transport, games, appointments, and just about everything else one could think of. It is well and truly an ‘everything app’.
Weixin is integrated with China’s mass surveillance systems and has very restrictive terms of service which align with government policies. All data is kept within the country. However, outside China, WeChat data is largely stored elsewhere, and different platform policies apply (unless interacting with someone within China). The convenience and difficulty of avoiding Weixin and similar ‘everything apps’ creates a walled garden that keeps users deeply entrenched in platforms the state can easily monitor.
Systematic Oversight
This monitoring is not a side effect of the technology but a core feature of its design. There are a number of restrictions and influences from China’s uniquely structured internet.
In addition to mass censorship, there is also mass surveillance. In late 2012, the real name system came about, mandating online accounts be linked to people’s identities. This was furthered in 2025, when the National Online Identity Authentication (国Guó家jiā网wǎng络luò身shēn份fèn认rèn证zhèng) system launched.
Often in the West you’ll hear jokes about China’s social credit system based on mistranslated details presented in poorly researched, sensationalist articles. There is no single, national numeric ‘social credit’ score assigned to people like a financial credit rating. Companies and individuals who ensure compliance are treated more favourably, and those that fail to or frequently violate regulations may be restricted from certain benefits. On a smaller level, companies and local governments sometimes award perks to people who take positive action, but this has minimal impact on daily life. Credit systems do exist, but they’re fragmented and not a nationwide value.
However, it is worth noting that judicial blocklists do carry severe real-world consequences, such as bans on purchasing high-speed rail or airline tickets, which often fuels the Western confusion. It is a shame that China’s social credit system as a whole is so pervasive a myth, given how ubiquitous surveillance and censorship are within the country by other means.
In 2025 a new regulation was passed which has made it so that influencers without verified credentials are banned from speaking on certain topics, including finance, law, medicine, and education, in an effort to reduce misinformation. Further legislation, such as the Cybersecurity Law, mandates data localisation and network operator compliance, legally binding technology companies to state surveillance apparatuses.
Online Culture
Like much of the world, China’s online culture is a combination of both local and global trends and culture. However, the language barrier and isolation of China from the rest of the globe’s internet do lead to a more separate digital zeitgeist. Much that does make it into China is interpreted differently or associated with different meanings, much like information that is known globally about goings-on within China is distorted. This even leads to humour, seen in instances like the aforementioned Western misconceptions about the social credit system which have become the basis of many jokes and online discussions.
Within China, internet users are commonly referred to as netizens (网wǎng民mín). There are many global memes which have translated over to China, and there are also China-specific versions, interpretations, and equivalents of popular memes. Memes reflect culture and what people are thinking about. There are some interesting cases, though, such as the Doge meme maintaining relevance thanks to commonly being available as an emoji and used in messages to indicate sarcasm or irony.
For example, Baozou comics (暴bào走zǒu漫màn画huà) take the place of Western rage comics. Where in the West someone might reply they’re ‘eating popcorn’ when drama occurs, the Chinese equivalent is ‘eating melon’ (吃Chī瓜guā). There are many equivalents to many English terms. GOAT, meaning Greatest of All Time, is roughly equivalent to YYDS, which stands for Yǒngyuǎn de shén and means ‘Forever God’. You also have 润Rùn学xué. Rùn (润) means ‘moist’ or ‘profitable’ and is spelt in pinyin like the English word ‘run’. As such, it is used to refer to leaving China and is featured in discussions of how to get overseas visas.
As is typical for memes, they are not just empty humour but also reflect society at large and the general thoughts of the populace. In this vein, comparing Xi Jinping to Winnie-the-Pooh has become quite the meme, though one that is heavily censored against. Automated filter systems easily detect direct references to disallowed topics, so anything sensitive is referred to with evasive manoeuvres such as homophones, historical allegories, and deliberate typos.
Artificial Intelligence
Chinese large language models will refuse to discuss censored events or criticise the government, instead following Chinese Communist Party narratives. Trying to reference censored events such as Tiananmen Square is restricted, as is drawing comparisons between Winnie-the-Pooh and Xi Jinping, China’s leader:
It is worth noting that this exchange was conducted in English. The language used to converse with AI models can influence their responses and determine the contents of their messages. It isn’t just DeepSeek which is censored, for heavy restrictions are present in other major models. Alibaba’s Qwen, Moonshot’s Kimi, Zhipu AI’s GLM, Xiaomi’s MiMo, and many more are censored.
In the face of more and more people relying on AI for information, this is critical. More critical, however, is the use of language models for more advanced, nuanced censorship. Tricky turns of phrase, or vague allusions to a topic, are increasingly unviable. Moderation passes with language models can detect negative government sentiment or anything pertaining to a restricted topic to an almost unavoidable degree. This emphasises the importance of local AI models to reduce the ability of governments and companies to censor and control, keeping information and technology free and democratised.
Unfortunately, there is the further issue of Chinese-managed models being used to sway sentiment online, presenting as normal users and astroturfing discussions to influence people and sow discord.
China’s digital landscape is a version of the web that is not World Wide but is instead fractured along the lines of ideology and nationalism. It has evolved not with the web as it is generally known globally, but alongside it, building its own identity, rules, and customs. It is restricted and only becoming more restricted in time, keeping information from entering and a population from exiting. It is a digital silo, where the tools designed to facilitate the sharing of knowledge and information have instead been repurposed to define the boundaries of a sovereign, state-sanctioned truth.


